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I finally finished reading Mirage of Power by Mubashir
Hasan. I was searching Shahrah-e-Inqilaab,
a book of his, which I read as a young man as a part of a study circle during
my medical college days. That book had helped
open up new windows of my mind and helped me understand history in a new light. Now I
wanted to read it again and could not find it. In the process, I found this
book on amazon.com so I bought it.
This book is a collection of memories by MH about the time
Z.A. Bhutto was in power, from the fall of Dhaka to the military coup and then
his execution.
I had hoped this book will offer a closer look at the inner
workings and the thought process of Bhutto in all those years. I got some of
that but not much. Perhaps Mubashir Hasan was not that close to ZAB and hence you see the
view from a distance all along. He does not tell the inner stories of important
decisions; like why he sacked the provincial governments of foes and friends,
why he sacked JA Rahim, why he decided to hold the elections early or late etc.
It seems that while MH was not close to Bhutto, he still wanted MH to be by his
side. He wanted MH to deliver on some promises he made in his manifesto, and
wanted to keep feudals in check by having a leftist by his side. But MH was
outside of the inner circle. Despite that he remained a loyalist and a bit meek
one at that. He fails to be critical of ZAB on any decision of importance.
Regardless of that, it brought me back to the days of my
youth and the names I saw as headlines on newspapers, heard on the radio and
seen on the PTV screen all the times. Some pieces of information, mentioned
below, were either new to me or I have already forgotten.
Preface:
In the preface he tells of the group of young enthusiasts in Lahore who formed a study circle after the 65 war. They were in thirties and early forties and were from different walks of lives: poets, lawyers, principal of a girl’s college, architects and engineers. They wanted to see a progressive change in the country with a leftist manifesto. At the same time ZAB and JA Rahim had decided to make a new political party and approached this group which included MH. Bhutto and JA Rahim agreed to adopt their manifesto , “ A Declaration of the Unity of the People”. They joined en bloc. He does not mention the names of others in his group. On November 30th and Dec 1st 1967 a convention was held in the lawn of Mubashir Hasan’s house, and PPP was formed.
Preface:
In the preface he tells of the group of young enthusiasts in Lahore who formed a study circle after the 65 war. They were in thirties and early forties and were from different walks of lives: poets, lawyers, principal of a girl’s college, architects and engineers. They wanted to see a progressive change in the country with a leftist manifesto. At the same time ZAB and JA Rahim had decided to make a new political party and approached this group which included MH. Bhutto and JA Rahim agreed to adopt their manifesto , “ A Declaration of the Unity of the People”. They joined en bloc. He does not mention the names of others in his group. On November 30th and Dec 1st 1967 a convention was held in the lawn of Mubashir Hasan’s house, and PPP was formed.
Chapter 1: The Dramatic Takeover
First cabinet was very democratic. Besides Jatoi there were no big land lords.
First cabinet was very democratic. Besides Jatoi there were no big land lords.
Bhutto attitude changed and slowly he started to adhere to and perhaps enjoy the privilege of protocol. It started to create and increase distance
between him and his close associates.
Chapter 2: State of the Nation
MH became the finance minister. Had no experience of finance.
MH became the finance minister. Had no experience of finance.
Chapter 3:Meeting the Challenges I
Soon after taking over, the idea was to achieve as much as you can to fulfill the manifesto. Much was achieved even before the interim constitution was formed.
In 1972 there were nationalizations of electricity, land reforms,
and banking reforms were planned.Soon after taking over, the idea was to achieve as much as you can to fulfill the manifesto. Much was achieved even before the interim constitution was formed.
Chapter 4: Meeting the Challenges II
Soon there were crisis: sugar crisis, police strike, civil servants’ crisis and clash between bureaucracy elites and populism.
Soon there were crisis: sugar crisis, police strike, civil servants’ crisis and clash between bureaucracy elites and populism.
At the same time there was difficulty in dealing with NAP
and JUI who had Interim Govt. in Baluchistan and the Frontier. Later there was the infamous sacking of Gull Hasan and Air Marshal Rahiim. Tikka Khan was brought it as the Chief. MH went to pick him up from Okara.
Chapter 5: Reconstructing the Economy I
In four months a lot of campaign promise was achieved; before interim constitution was formed. That includes reforms and military changes
Debt services were renegotiated with WB and IMF. McNamara visited
to Pakistan and met with MH. They met at a neutral place, a barrack in Chaklala as neither wanted to meet at the other’s place.In four months a lot of campaign promise was achieved; before interim constitution was formed. That includes reforms and military changes
Chapter 6: Reconstructing the Economy II
MM Ahmed out, a veteran bureaucrat, and Qamarul Islam was in. He was more competent, Unfortunately ZAB fired Qamarul islam in 73 and JA Rahim in 74.
MM Ahmed out, a veteran bureaucrat, and Qamarul Islam was in. He was more competent, Unfortunately ZAB fired Qamarul islam in 73 and JA Rahim in 74.
Chapter 7:Accords and Discords
Mian Mahmood Ali Kasuri resigned before the constitution, in Oct 72.
Opposition did not get much it wanted in constitution as it
relied a lot on Ghulam Farooq who did not really plead their cause.Mian Mahmood Ali Kasuri resigned before the constitution, in Oct 72.
POW issues. ZAB was worried if POW could be tried for war
crimes in BD.
Language issue: In Sindh, before partition the language was
English and Sindhi. After partition Sindhi was relegated to optional along with
Urdu. And naturally Urdu got the preference.
He made alliance in Baluchistan with Raisani and Bugti, and
in Frontier, Qayyum was the collaborator. Bezinjo/Mengal govt was sacked. Jam
Lasbella became CM and Akbar Bugti as governor in April 73
In the same month, on 4/12/73 constitution was approved4/29/73 action in Baluchistan
Chapter 8: All Not Well
Around the same time Bhutto started getting angry at ministers as they were not delivering, There was definitely a role of agencies in creating rift between ZAB and his close associates.
Chapter 9: Feeling Free
NWFP/Baluchistan govt were already sacked before the constitution was approved.
For the constitution Hafeez Peerzada and Rafi Raza were the
work horses. The deadline was Dec 31, 1973 but the task was completed by mid April.
March 23, Liaquat Bagh firing. MH came to know 25 years
later that there was a plan to disrupt the meeting. Who fired? He implies it was FSF.
Constitution was unanimously approved. Only one Maulana (not
named) asked for money. Bhutto refused.
1973 FloodsMH was personally involved in trips. Gone to Panjnad, Guddo Sukkhur. He physically helped close breach in Sukkur
It was a year to reach out to the provinces. There were trips
to Gilgit and Baltistan and helped them get reforms, ie electricity and utilities.
Trip to Baluchistan and networking with Bugti. Tour of FATA with help of IG of
FC Naseerallah Babar.
MH resigned that year, but not accepted.
Chapter 10: The Year of Change
Islamic Summit in 1974. JA Rahim opposed the word Islamic in the summit.
Shah of Iran did not attend the meeting. He send his
representativeIslamic Summit in 1974. JA Rahim opposed the word Islamic in the summit.
There was a resolution on Palestine in the summit. No resolution on Kashmir
Chapter 11: All Power to the Establishment
By 74, the old guard was gone and Bhutto was firmly encircled by establishment.
By 74, the old guard was gone and Bhutto was firmly encircled by establishment.
He was very suspicious of Mumtaz Bhutto and Sherpao, thanks to the misinformation by the agencies.
Many Civil servants had now surrounded him, notable mentions
are Aziz Ahmed, who later joined the party, Mian Anwar Ali,(police) Saeed
Ahmed and Masood Mahmood, who ultimately was instrumental in Bhutto’s
conviction.
Others in establishment were KB Bucha, Fairoz Khan Qaiser,
Yahya Bakhtiyar, GIK, Veqar Ahmed, General Ghulam Gilani, Kausar Niazi and Mahboob ul Haq, who later
left, rather soon.
Chapter 12: The Losing Battle
By 1974 ZAB realized that establishment had him over. His house was bugged.
MH become GS of the party. Office bureau shifted to Lahore.
Wrote Sharahe Inqilaab.By 1974 ZAB realized that establishment had him over. His house was bugged.
Took up the case of land mafia and kachi abadis. Hanif Ramay
lead a big procession. Bhutto got angry and sacked him as CM, replaced him with Sadiq Qureshi
1975: Gen Zia as COAC
Bhutto opened another office in Rawalpindi making a feudal
lord in charge of it
Chapter 13: The Battle Lost
1976; Weekly supplement to Musawat Siyasi Musawat for the workers
1976; Weekly supplement to Musawat Siyasi Musawat for the workers
He mentions a strange trip to US Ambassador’s house in Islamabad.
ZAB took MH with him and while having tea he suddenly asked MH ‘” why you
people are against me?” Later, MH realized that ZAB always needed a witness to
his communications even if it were a foreign ambassador.
ZAB changed constitution of the party without the input from
the GS.
Elections of 77, MH thinks they were won fairly and intelligence
reports were wrong
Chapter 14: The Economic Legacy
Then there is a long chapter in the end about the economic legacy of ZAB. As most of the decisions for nationalized and industrialization were with his input, MH takes to trouble to make a case that ZAB’s economic policies eventually brought a lot of prosperity, Many effects were obvious many years later during Zia’s regime.
Chapter 14: The Economic Legacy
Then there is a long chapter in the end about the economic legacy of ZAB. As most of the decisions for nationalized and industrialization were with his input, MH takes to trouble to make a case that ZAB’s economic policies eventually brought a lot of prosperity, Many effects were obvious many years later during Zia’s regime.
Overall, a book I enjoyed reading, even if it turned out different than what I thought.
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